La Sindrome del Golfo
Directed by
Documentary on Gulf War Syndrome, the name given to a complex of diseases that affected American and British Gulf War veterans. About 100,000 soldiers are currently affected, 10,000 of whom have died. The disease is infectious and causes serious pathologies and congenital deformities in children. The documentary tries to trace its causes and extent through interviews with several sick soldiers, doctors and researchers, contrasting them with the official statements of Pentagon representatives and a government commission of inquiry.
The dark side of the Iraqi war emerges: the radioactive weapons used by NATO, the chemical weapons sold to Iraq until shortly before by the same Western powers, and finally the biological weapons, against which the vaccine used by NATO soldiers was designed, which weighs on military secrecy and the greatest suspicion. But above all, a new episode of irresponsibility and contempt by the Pentagon towards its own army emerges. During the war, soldiers were not instructed to take precautions when using depleted uranium bullets, even though their danger had long been known; they were lied to about the level of chemical contamination reached on the battlefield, and the vaccine is a matter of absolute military secrecy. Instead of assistance and compensation, veterans who fell ill were accused of simulation.
La sindrome del Golfo is also an Italian television case. Commissioned by RAI and produced in 1996, it was never broadcast despite repeated requests. Thanks to an initiative by the newspaper Il Manifesto, which also published the full text, it was screened and discussed in many Italian cities, often in the presence of the director.
«How did the idea of making a documentary on the Gulf War Syndrome come about?
I was making other documentaries in America on some controversial cases like that of the Unabomber, the biggest terrorist in American history, wanted for 20 years without absolutely understanding who he could be, to then discover that he was a mathematics professor from Berkeley, he was not an Arab, he was not a militiaman, but a mathematical genius who became a terrorist because he hated the development of technology. Something must have exploded in his psyche to make him become a murderer, but the starting point of his thought was very deep, very interesting. The American public opinion was very upset to discover something like that. Studying cases like this I also began to investigate counter-information. I was doing a long research project thanks to the help of a friend who was the former head of the FBI in Los Angeles, who, after retiring, entered counter-information and began writing articles, making and collaborating on documentaries. Thanks to him I was able to get in touch with these sick soldiers that everyone was talking about but no one knew who they were or where they lived, the Pentagon didn't give any information.
When you say everyone was talking, do you mean at the media level or counter-information level?
It was talked about in the media, but in a very approximate way, as a controversy between the soldiers and the Pentagon. There were 50,000 sick soldiers, 10,000 had already died between 1991 and 1996. The Pentagon kept saying that they were making it all up, that there was no disease, that the range of diseases they were reporting was too vast to claim that it was due to the Gulf War. On the big American networks, there were news specials that were terrible. I remember one evening Dan Rader, a big American anchorman who even made fun of a sick soldier. It was a very serious thing in my opinion, someone like him will have between 12 and 20 million listeners. This was the general attitude, we never went into depth. At a certain point, some shocking photos came out in Time and more serious reports where they began to interview soldiers and showed photos of deformed children. The children born after 1991 to these sick soldiers had frightening deformations: missing organs like eyes and arms. This was the situation when I started looking for them. But I didn't find them, no one knew where they were. If it weren't for this friend, I wouldn't have been able to do anything, but he put me in touch with key people who were seriously investigating, with sick soldiers and also with a former member of the CIA, Jim Tuite, who was doing in-depth research.
Who was this CIA person commissioned to do this investigation?
It was a government association paid with research funds, a government group linked to the CIA, it may seem strange but it's true, and as you saw in the film, it makes strong accusations.
Which contrast with those of the Clinton commission.
Yes, because he had already gone further in the research. The Clinton Commission had the role of balancing the soldiers' accusations, the Pentagon's position and this research.
The video also highlights the contrast between the results of military doctors and civilian doctors. The case of the military doctor who is removed as soon as he begins to discover something is emblematic.
The case of Herbert Smith is interesting in this regard. He was rejected by the military hospital in Washington because he was accused of making cuts to infect his blood. A civilian doctor and her husband took him to a very expensive hospital in Memphis that he could never have afforded, where he was treated for free and they saw that what he was saying was absolutely true: he had a very serious form of lupus and is still paralyzed. Everything I am saying is confirmed in an article that appeared two months ago in Vanity Fair, an eight-page dossier that confirms exactly everything you see in the documentary from three years ago, they are the same people interviewed. This proves that the research we did was right. And there have been no major developments yet. The Pentagon finally admitted the existence of Gulf War Syndrome a year and a half ago, but it distinguishes between soldiers and children. They say that this percentage of deformities is normal for the United States, they do not notice any statistical increase, they say "How can you say that children were born deformed precisely because you took part in the Gulf War?"
Yet in the video the parents claim to have done research in their families from which no previous case of deformity has been found.
If there was contamination, and now the Pentagon has admitted it, the causes could have been different. For example, the toxic cloud caused by the American bombing of Saddam's chemical weapons depots, who in turn has always denied having used chemical weapons, claiming that if there was contamination it is because the Americans bombed the depots and then the wind blew the cloud onto them. This hypothesis, however, contrasts with the interview of the Pentagon general who says that our soldiers are protected from chemical and biological weapons. However, the fact that even those who did not go to war, but for some reason took the vaccine administered to soldiers who went to the Gulf, in some cases present the same problems related to Gulf War Syndrome, demonstrates that the most probable cause is the vaccine. The problem is that the composition of the vaccines is a military secret, so there has never been a verification that could finally tell what the truth is. Because now we have entered a regime of chemical and bacteriological warfare; the vaccine is part of the war, it is a military secret, what protects my soldiers I cannot publish, tell the press how it works, because the enemy would find out. So the vaccine is secret. 100,000 soldiers are sick, 10,000 are dead, in England 20,000 soldiers are sick and 300 dead. This is very strange: while in America 15% were contaminated, that is 100,000 out of 700,000 soldiers, in England it seems that 80% were contaminated. It also seems that, since many vaccines were needed quickly, the production was quickly outsourced to various industries, otherwise they would not have been able to send so many soldiers to war. Many of these industries and laboratories were not equipped for the composition of vaccines and it seems that there were many errors in its realization, which would be even more serious. We are truly talking about the war of the future and perhaps we have not realized it. I met some professors from the University of Florence who invited me to see the film and then think about what we could do to carry out the research together. There was a physicist, a chemist and a biologist. The biologist told me that he can easily make this type of virus that comes out in the video in his laboratory in Florence. We are reaching a point where we will no longer know who builds the weapons, we have arrived in a very dirty area where no one can do anything and no one understands anything. Especially because television continues to tell the story of the war with an incomprehensible language, full of errors, denials, I don't know if you followed Yugoslavia, what was the information, it was a continuous denial.
There is another thing in your documentary that is very impressive: the fact that the disease is infectious, that 70% of wives, relatives, have been infected.
This in my opinion goes to validate the vaccine hypothesis. I believe that this composition is toxic, that there is a percentage of people who cannot handle it. We also need to understand whether it was an error of judgment or whether the most serious accusation made by one of the soldiers against the Pentagon is true. That is, that every time there is a war, there is an experiment. They try to understand how to reduce the number of deaths by trying to understand what the perfect vaccine is. And one day we will all have to use that vaccine to defend ourselves from biological attacks, because in the face of a biological attack there are no soldiers to defend you, you have to go and get the vaccine. What is a problem for the military today, will be a problem for civilians around the world tomorrow.
This could also explain why RAI has never broadcast this documentary. In an interview with Il Manifesto you said that this was due to the fact that RAI does not have a culture of documentary, which is certainly true, but one could also think of another logic. From this documentary emerges an absolute unpreparedness, a lack of control of weapons and security by the armies. In the perspective of a more active Italian participation in the wars, as has recently happened, perhaps its projection would risk putting the consensus on tagging along with the American battalion into crisis a little more...
I absolutely believe that this is the reason that pushed RAI not to broadcast this documentary. It is clear that we are in an experimental phase of the war, it is clear that every soldier who is sent to the front must be vaccinated and cannot know what is being put in his blood. In this documentary you see that the most powerful army in the world has made a huge mistake and is somehow camouflaging it. It is something that hurts when people see it, that hurts the soldiers, but I think it also hurts ordinary people. I hope it goes on the air, I still hope to meet people at RAI who, thinking about the true meaning of this documentary, now that there has been all this fuss in the newspapers, now that the war in Yugoslavia is over, that we can finally broadcast it in its entirety and with a debate, as we have done around Italy. I'm preparing another one, I want to go back, follow the same stories more deeply, I want to make four stories of four soldiers, the same ones from the previous report, following the evolution of the disease, how the scientific investigation is going, the search for a cure, the relationship with the Pentagon and with the American government that must support them financially. I want to understand what is happening no longer with a reportage language but with a documentary language.
The operation you carried out with this documentary is very reminiscent of Radio Bikini, a film made in 1987 on the atomic tests of 1946. The official version of those events, built through media spectacularization and decades-long military censorship, was contradicted by giving voice to those who had never had one, one of the hundreds of thousands of soldiers exposed in those years deliberately and without their knowledge to radiation, who tells of his years of suffering, of the many dead soldiers and who will die himself a few months after the filming.
Yes, there are precedents, there is a history of secrets and scandals. I think the best thing is to follow a topic in depth, possibly in parallel with scientific research. The University of Florence has offered me a collaboration on the next documentary. With the report three years ago I raised the case, now I want to know the truth. I would like to make a documentary on this case every two years, because I hope, maybe in ten years, to be among those who have contributed to understanding what is happening with chemical and bacteriological weapons and I also hope to have been among those who will perhaps succeed in having their production banned. Because in the end that is where we need to get to, it is not by refusing the vaccine that you avoid the destruction of humanity, you avoid the destruction of humanity by blocking war forever, because however monstrous war may be it is never as monstrous as hurra bacteriological warfare, because that is truly the end of the world. Moving from the false objective of a safe vaccine to the abolition of biological weapons or wars, however, requires a political awareness, which in the documentary emerges explicitly only in one of the veterans. Well, he had already been in Vietnam, he saw more than one. In America there is a great sensitivity to these phenomena, people are very motivated and serious when they start to confront power and fight, but there is a very strong tendency towards individualism. This can be a good thing, but also a bad thing, because if you don't unite with others you can never fight politically. In fact, soldiers are unable to unite with each other and in three years not much has changed. These researchers, these doctors still seem to me to be loose cannons in the American system, they are doing important things, at the beginning they were considered crazy, doctors who were fueling subversive theories to gain publicity, now they are certainly more respected. A novelty is the identification of a substance called squalene in the blood of some sick soldiers, but the Pentagon forbids examining the two million newly vaccinated to see if they have squalene. Four months ago, before the war in Yugoslavia, 200 soldiers refused to take the anthrax vaccine and were demoted. In England, 70 soldiers refused a medal of military valor to denounce the lack of information on Gulf War Syndrome. There are some things that are going on, but it seems to me that the public still doesn't know anything». (from an interview with Alberto D'Onofrio conducted by Marco Farano in June 1999)
In-depth analysis
About the Movie La Sindrome del Golfo
Dirty Wars. From Vietnam Syndrome to Gulf Syndrome
by Marco Farano
The cluster bombs that injured some Italian fishermen during the recent war in Yugoslavia and were found in nets as late as mid-September can be considered the tip of an iceberg that appeared on the horizon of our coasts. The iceberg in question is a phenomenon of enormous magnitude constituted by the ecological consequences of war determined by the growing and systematic use of weapons and war strategies that destroy the environment, kill more and more civilians and continue to kill even long after the end of the conflict. This section of the festival [Cinemambiente 1999] intends to reflect on this phenomenon by showing three significant stages of its development: the Vietnam War, the Gulf War and the recent one in Yugoslavia. Three cases that also illustrate well the logic that guides this evolution of war and explains the non-random links between its apparently increasingly transparent and real-time media representation, a war that seems to become increasingly aseptic, surgical, even humanitarian, and a very different reality.
"Will they let us win this time?" Rambo asked in 1985 before leaving for Vietnam to free the alleged American prisoners who were, in reality, the last pretext for maintaining the embargo imposed by the United States after the defeat. A question that expresses the opinion of those who believe that Vietnam was a war "lost in the living room" due to the anti-patriotic actions of journalists who had shown "too much blood on TV", destroying popular consensus for the war and forcing the United States to retreat [1]. Bush refers to this myth, also known as "Vietnam syndrome", shortly before the Gulf War, when he states that this will not be another war fought "with one hand tied behind the back". And at the end of the conflict he will be able to declare: "We have kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all, that is, we can finally wage war again, because now we are capable of waging war without American deaths and with the return of prisoners". The Gulf War ended with little more than a hundred American deaths, mostly victims of accidents, and it was certainly a different war: the first war experienced live on television and fought through a series of surgical interventions made possible by the use of intelligent weapons. However, its maximum media visibility coincided, paradoxically, with its maximum obscurity: the Pentagon imposed total censorship on all media, which could only broadcast images and news directly offered or strictly selected by the Pentagon itself. We thus saw mainly promotional videos from various US war industries, footage from cameras placed on the nose cones of missiles and images of bombings similar to fireworks. At the same time, the surgical nature of the war interventions coincided with one of the dirtiest wars, during which a quantity of explosives equal to 15 times that used by all the contenders during the Second World War was poured on Iraq, including 300 tons of radioactive projectiles; where nuclear reactors were bombed, an act that the UN had banned and which is considered a war crime, and the chemical weapons factories sold to Iraq, until a few months before, by the United States and Germany. And the number of American deaths, once the media spotlights were turned off, rose to 10,000, that is how many are currently deceased among the 100,000 veterans who have fallen ill with what has been defined as Gulf War Syndrome, a set of very serious diseases that has also caused congenital malformations in their children. Probable causes are the vaccine against biological weapons, the clouds of chemical weapons caused by the bombing of factories and the depleted uranium weapons used to make projectiles highly penetrating (including the smart Tomahawk missiles) or to armor tanks. In the video Metal of Dishonor one of the veterans defines Gulf War Syndrome as an "agent orange" of the nineties [2]. Agent Orange was the name of the defoliant used in Vietnam by the United States, highly carcinogenic due to the dioxin it contained. Tens of thousands of American soldiers were contaminated by it and fell ill, having to fight for years before their illnesses and those they passed on to their children were recognized and compensated. A great stir was caused in 1991, while the embargo against Vietnam was still in place, by the news that a Vietnamese farmer, having learned that an American helicopter was flying over his village in search of prisoners, had asked the authorities for permission to shoot it down [3]. This episode loses its anecdotal character if one considers that in those years, and the current situation has not changed much, there was an impressive number of victims in Vietnam (6 per day in the province of Quang Tri alone) of unexploded cluster bombs (285 million were dropped, 7 per capita) or of mines that the Americans had abandoned on the ground refusing to provide either maps or defusing procedures [4]. Currently in Vietnam the victims of Agent Orange alone are estimated at around two million and the third generation of those who were contaminated still suffer from very serious congenital malformations. In Iraq doctors are now registering a frightening increase in cases of cancer, abortions and congenital malformations that the continuation of the bombings [5] and the embargo, which has led to more than 1,500,000 victims overall, do not allow to quantify with precision and much less to cure.
Let's go back to the living room, where with the recent NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, the war has finally become humanitarian. But how can we reconcile this attribute with a war strategy that, as the documentary Bomben auf Chemiewerke shows, is punishable by international law for war crimes: not only for the systematic air attacks on civilian targets and the use of cluster bombs and depleted uranium [6], but above all for having intentionally and repeatedly bombed chemical plants, thus violating the conventions on the banning of chemical and ecological warfare? For a solution to this enigma, which is equivalent to asking how one could have believed in the deception of humanitarian ends, a topic too complex to be adequately examined here, we refer to a couple of readings or films, from which we can get an idea of how environmental and media pollution have proceeded hand in hand in this latest war [7]. The history of the relationship between war and the environment obviously does not begin with Vietnam nor is it limited to these examples [8]. Particularly worrying are some projects started under the Reagan presidency, which despite the hoped for fall of the Evil Empire, continue undaunted. Such as the development of biological weapons, to which genetic engineering has given enormous impetus and greater danger [9]. Or such as the relaunch of the "Star Wars" program, for which Clinton has allocated 6.5 billion dollars this year and which on September 29 of this year will see a first test of interception and shooting down of ballistic missiles in space, at an altitude of 120 km, violating the 1972 ABM treaty [10]. These disturbing aspects of war and its environmental impacts, involving genetics and space, must not make us forget other wars, less spectacular but no less dirty, such as the "low intensity conflicts" fought by the armies of third world dictatorships against those popular movements that oppose an economic development that determines, for example, 220,000 deaths per year due to pesticides banned in rich countries. One example among many is Guatemala, where the world record for DDT in breast milk was recorded with a dose 185 times higher than the limit set by the WHO and a concurrent increase of 100% in military spending. Finally, we must remember the phenomenon of third-worldization, within rich countries, which sees welfare replaced by warfare, as is exemplarily the case in the United States, where one worker in ten depends on the military-industrial complex, which absorbs 15% of the federal budget and places uranium mines, military ranges and open-air radioactive waste dumps in the poorest areas of the country. The image of a billboard placed along a highway in New Mexico that reads "New Mexico: number 1 in poverty, number 1 in atomic weapons", goes well with that of some special police squads serving in the poorest neighborhoods of the country who, after the Gulf War, wore a T-shirt with the words "Operation Ghetto Storm".
[1] On the media representation of the Vietnam and Gulf wars see B. Cumings, Guerra e televisione, Baskerville, 1993 and C. Fracassi, Sotto la notizia niente, Avvenimenti, 1994.
[2] On the Gulf War Syndrome and the issue of depleted uranium see also VV.AA., Metal of Dishonor, International Action Center, 1997. The book is also partly available, along with much other information, on the site http://www.facenter.org
[3] Chomsky, Anno 501, la conquista continua, Gamberetti, 1993, also useful for framing the theme addressed in this text in a broader political context. For this purpose see also http://www.zmag.org
[4] Every 20 minutes in the world a person is the victim of an anti-personnel mine. In March 1999, an international treaty came into force to ban them, which the US did not sign, in good company with China and Russia.
[5] More than 600 missions recorded in the first two weeks of March while the bombing of Yugoslavia was taking place.
[6] Previously used by NATO in Yugoslavia already in the 1995 bombing of the Serbian part of Bosnia.
[7] On the role of public relations companies and the media in the Balkan crisis, see VV.AA., La Nato nei Balcani, Editori Riuniti, 1999; VV.AA.., Dal Medio Oriente ai Balcani, La città del sole, 1999; Paolo Rumiz, Maschere per un massacro, Editori Riuniti, 1998; C. Fracassi, Le notizie hanno le gambe corte, Rizzoli, 1996. The films in question are The Second American Civil War by J. Dante and Sex and Power by B. Levinson. The latter tells the story of a fake war against Albania started by the president of the United States to save himself from a sex scandal. It was shown in American cinemas in the days when, after the declarations on the Lewinsky case, impeachment was expected. Clinton had a factory in Sudan bombed that was accused of producing chemical weapons, which later turned out to be the pharmaceutical factory that supplied half the country. During the last NATO attacks, Yugoslav television broadcast it continuously, before being bombed. In the fiction, however, the author of the fake film on Albanian refugees will not be allowed to publicly claim his deeds like the director of Ruder Finn, the public relations company that took care of the image of Croatia, Bosnia and Albanian Kosovars.
[8] In France, the reclamation of the territories where the fighting of the First World War took place continues today; every year, an average of 900 tons of unexploded howitzers are recovered in two million acres that are still inaccessible and, in 1991 alone, 36 farmers were killed and 51 seriously injured by unexploded ordnance. See D. Webster, Le terre di Caino. Quel che resta della guerra, Corbaccio, 1999. On nuclear power, see VV.AA., 10 d.C. (dopo Cernobyl) Cinema e nucleare, Pervisione, 1996.
[9] On biotechnology see J. Rifkin, II secolo biotech, Baldini&Castoldi, 1998. On biological weapons see the SIPRI annuals and http://cbw.sipri.se
[10] On August 17 of this year the Cassini spacecraft, launched in 1997 with 42.5 pounds of plutonium on board, performed an approach maneuver to about 750 kilometers from the earth, in assisted gravity, to gain speed in the direction of Saturn. The protests of those who for two years have reported that a maneuver error that would have determined its reentry into the atmosphere would have entailed a risk of contamination for all humanity have been totally ignored by the media. Nothing happened, but it is known that one such error is enough.








